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March 28
The Cooperative Principles and Its Economic Consequences
By Chaopeng Huang
The cooperative principles and values are complicated and intricate. Due to the word limit of the statement, I will concentrate on the discussion about 4 (out of 10) principles of Mondragón, and some consequences of the realization of those principles (principles are presented in the order that is convenient for discussion).
The first principle is open admission. It basically means that the membership is open to all those who accept the basic principles and are professionally capable. The only restriction put open admission is the practical needs and business requirements of the cooperative, and the worker’s performance during the probationary period. This principle does not reflect much difference between Mondragón and conventional firms. Conventional firms, though may not explicitly express, have admitting standards, which is the evaluative tool against prospective employees.
Professional management literature stresses that decision making structure and compensation structure are two important constituents of organizational structure. Taking this perspective, the second, third, and fifth principle of Mondragón constitute the most of the decision making structure and compensation structure. The combination of second principle and fifth principle set up the framework of decision making structure. Those two principles are the principle of democratic organization and principle of participatory management. As introduced by Smith (2001), the general assembly is the final authority in each co-op. Its powers include: appointing and revoking members of the governing council and the account auditors by means of a secret vote; examining company management; approving the annual accounts and the distribution of surplus and apportioning of losses; approving the general co-op policies and strategies; approving increases in share capital, and determining the rate of interest to be accrued by capital contributions and the entrance fees for new members; modifying the company statutes and approving everything implied by a substantial modification in the economic, organizational or functional structure of the co-op. |
As far as I can see, these two principles mirror the most distinguished feature of cooperatives, and its impact on the economic outcome of such cooperative is pervasive. It is obvious that cooperative is distinct from conventional firms in a sense that its members are the shareholders (collectively ownership of cooperatives) and board of directors. Therefore, one can conclude, though may be presumptuous and incomprehensive, that a cooperative is a shareholder managed entity, and every shareholder has an equal right. This conclusion has some very important implications.
First, by adopting such structure, it greatly reduces the agency problem and therefore the agency cost; hence it improves efficiency. Second, it eliminates the complication of rendering protection to minor shareholders because according to the democratic organization principle, a cooperative is operated on “one member, one vote” basis.
Third, the implementation of such decision making structure may pose problems when the organization is in jeopardy. Apparently, the decision making process in a cooperative is longer than conventional firms, which may be problematic when a quick decision needs to be made and implemented. Fourth, though the full transparency reduces the problem of information asymmetry, but it as well may deteriorate the quality of decision because sometimes the effectiveness of decision is greater when it comes as a surprise. The third principle, termed as the sovereignty of labor, is associated with the incentive structure of a cooperative. It means that labor is granted full sovereignty and the wealth created is distributed in terms of labor provided and there is a firm commitment to the creation of new jobs; moreover, the income distribution is commensurate to the labor committed by each member not on the basis of holding in share capital. This incentive structure is better as opposed to the cooperatives in Yugoslavia, where the income is equally distributed to each member. The materialization of such incentive structure reduces the problem of social loafing, and gives incentives to additional labor commitment. Nevertheless, it creates a dilemma for performance appraisal, because always it is the quality of effort rather tan quantity of effort is what matters. Labor provided of a member could not be in accordance with the real performance of that member. In sum, the cooperative in Mondragón is successful in a sense that it is at least equally competitive as conventional firms, but it gives members more equity. Future investigation on such cooperative system is still needed to answer the following two questions: Can the case of Mondragón be generalized as a success? Can such principles be applied on a larger scale, say a country, where a more intricate human network and grapevine is at presence?
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References:
Kennett, D. (2004) A New View of Comparative Economics. Thomson South-Western: US, 2004.
Smith, S.C. (2001) Blooming Together or Wilting Alone? Network Externalities and Mondragón and La Lega Co-operative Networks. Discussion Paper, United Nation University. March 27
The “third way”-market socialism, social market economy, or neither?
By Chaopeng Huang
Prior to the formal discussion of this issue, it would be helpful to first present the concepts of market socialism and social market economy.
Market socialism, as suggested by the term, is a hybrid of market and state ownership. Under the regime of market socialism, the system combines social ownership of capital with market allocation. Social market economy, on the other hand, is the combination of free market forces with significant state intervention to achieve desired social goals. Social market economy is a stretch of capitalism, while market socialism is a stretch of socialism.
Both systems are appealing, at least in theory, because they capture the market’s advantages in allocative efficiency and marry it to the distributional equity of socialism. These systems remind me the issue in strategic management. When a firm is to implement cost leadership strategy and product differentiation strategy, will or will not this firm end up being stuck in the middle. Same type of logic could be applied to the concept of market socialism and social market economy, will these two systems end up providing a mediocre result. I will discuss these two systems separately in the rest part of my statements, with an emphasis on market socialism.
It is argued by many economists that any attempt to maintain a competitive system of prices in the goods and labor markets alone will fail because it divorces the functioning of those markets from the market for capital, to which they are inescapably related. In a market socialism regime, the investment becomes a public good, which means it largely or completely relies on government to direct. Therefore, in the absence of an objective capital market, the ability of government to efficiently direct capital flows is essential. It is argued that markets might be short-sighted in their evaluation of prospects, and deny capital to enterprises that, though worthy, will be slow to pay back principal. |
Governments might be more capable of taking a longer view. Therefore, with investment decisions being made by government, it is plausible that the economy will be more likely to avoid some cyclicality and prosper in the long run. However, long run decisions inevitably are more subject to political stability, where the failure of Yugoslavia is the best demonstration. Moreover, as suggested before, if a competitive system of prices in the goods and labor markets are inescapably related to market for capital, the possibility of goods and labor markets being competitive under market socialism system is a large question mark.
Another problem with market socialism is the issue of soft-budget constraint, which enables the firm to continue to exist although its long-term obligations are not met. The existence of soft-budget constraint provides the enterprises the incentives to operate in a manner that lowers the efficiency of the economy. My last concern is specifically on the cooperative variants of market socialism, where I think labor productivity might be compromised. If the goal of each cooperative is to maximize income per labor, then each cooperative is subject to free ride resulted from social loafing. When the income pie is shared equally by each workers, then will every worker put his/her weight to production knowing the outcome of his/her effort will be shared by others.
In terms of social market economy, my concern is whether to incorporate a wide range of interests into decision making process will compromise economic performance. The concept of stakeholder economy developed in German model is subject to many criticisms. It is possible that the efficiency of an enterprise will be damaged when it includes the labor’s interest into consideration. First, decision making process becomes longer when interests from an additional party are considered. Second, when stakeholders’ preferences are considered and those preferences are against profit maximization, then stakeholder cooperation might experience difficulty because it will underperform its “profit-oriented” competitors, and thus are vulnerable to and ultimately eliminated by market forces.
The search of a third way is indeed intriguing. I am personally in favor of social market economy to market socialism. However, the current demonstration of social market economy is far from satisfying, where future modifications and completion are necessary. |
References:
Bornstein, M.(1994) Comparative Economic Systems: Models and Cases. Reichard D. Irwin Inc.:US, 1994.
Gregory, P., and Stuart, R.C.(1998) Comparative Economic Systems. Houghton Mifflin Company, 1999
Kennett, D. (2004) A New View of Comparative Economics. Thomson South-Western: US, 2004.
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